Реферат: Хаос на Кавказе

<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language: EN-GB">Saint-Petersburg State University of Economics and Finance

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<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">“The Chaos In

<span Times New Roman",«serif»">the<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-GB"> Caucasus”

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<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">Written by Nebesoff I.,

<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">453. gr.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">Checked by Kirillova O.

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<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">Saint-Petersburg,

<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">2002.

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 TOC o «1-3» Contents.… PAGEREF_Toc9336504 h 2

Introduction.… PAGEREF_Toc9336505 h 3

Chapter 1. History of terrorism.… PAGEREF_Toc9336506 h 4

Chapter 2. Clash, or conspiracy?… PAGEREF_Toc9336507 h 5

Chapter 3. Enter the Wahhabis… PAGEREF_Toc9336508 h 6

Chapter 4. Geopolicy.… PAGEREF_Toc9336509 h 8

Chapter 5. Economy.… PAGEREF_Toc9336510 h 9

Conclusion… PAGEREF_Toc9336511 h 12

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<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">You see,nowadays the Caucasus problem is one of the sharpest and most important for ourcountry. Chechnya and Dagestan are not only oil, butthe source of destability and terrorism.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»;mso-ansi-language:EN-GB">After lastautumn

<span Times New Roman",«serif»">events in the UnitedStates even Americans and Europeans understood that war in Checnyais not only Russia’s internal business, and this war, which we have beenleading for several years already is not only the wish of the RussianGovernment and oligarchs to take ‘their piece of pie’ from the Caucasus oil.The world community has finally recognised thatthreat of world-wide terrorism is not a myth, and this battle has to be led byforces of all countries, which want to live undisturbed.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»">In this work I am trying to show theroots of Islam movement and the history of confrontation in Chechnya. Anotheraim of this paper is to show links between Chechnya and world Islamicterrorism, and to show how these links work. Only when we recognisethat terrorism is the ‘world-wide web’, civilized world would be able to uniteagainst this, maybe, the greatest evil on the Earth, and, probably, one of thebiggest world problems in the new century.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»">And the last aim was to show how theChechen war is affecting the Russian economy, and what losses we have had sincethis war started

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Chapter 1. History of terrorism.

Atleast until recently, the main enemy of Islamic terrorism seemed to be theUnited States. However diverse and quarrelsome its practitioners, they knewwhat they hated most: the global policeman whom they accused of propping upIsrael, starving the Iraqis and undermining the Muslim way of life with an insidiouslyattractive culture.

Anti-Americanism,after all, has been a common thread in a series of spectacular acts of violenceover the past decade. They include the bombing of the World Trade Centre in NewYork in February 1993; the explosion that killed 19 American soldiers at a basein Saudi Arabia in June 1996; and the deadly blasts at the American embassiesin Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998.

Inmany of the more recent attacks it has suffered, the United States hasdiscerned the hand of Osama bin Laden, the Saudi-bom coordinator of aninternational network of militant Muslims. In February last year, he and hissympathisers in Egypt, Pakistan and Bangladesh issued a statement declaringthat «to kill the Americans and their allies-civilian and military—is anindividual duty for every Muslim who can do it.»

Now,it might appear, Russia's turn has come to do battle on a new front in thismany-sided conflict. The Russian government has blamed terrorists from thecountry's Muslim south for a series of bomb blasts in Moscow and other citieswhich have claimed over 300 lives. And it has launched a broadening land andair attack against the mainly Muslim republic of Chechnya, where the terroristsare alleged to originate.

Intheir more strident moments, officials and newspaper columnists in Moscow saythat Russia is in the forefront of a fight between «civilisation andbarbarism» and is therefore entitled to western understanding. «Weface a common enemy, international terrorism,»

Whereaswestern countries have chided Russia (mildly) for its military operationagainst Chechnya, Iran has been much more supportive. KamalKharrazi, Iran's foreign minister, has promised«effective collaboration» with the Kremlin against what he has  described as terrorists bent on destabilisingRussia. Russia, for its part, has thanked Iran for using its chairmanship ofthe Organisation of the Islamic Conference to present the Russian case.

Perhapsbecause of Russia's friendship with certain parts of the Muslim world, Mr Putin has firmly rejected the view that the«bandits» Russia is now fighting could properly be described asIslamic. «They are international terrorists, most of them mercenaries, whocover themselves in religious slogans,» he insists.

Butordinary Muslims in the Moscow street — whether they are of Caucasian origin,or from the Tatar or Bashkirnations based in central Russia — fear a general backlash. «Politiciansand the mass media are equating us, the Muslim faithful, with armedgroups,» complains Ravil Gainutdin,Russia's senior mufti. Patriarch Alexy II, the headof the Russian Orthodox church, has been urging his flock not to blame theiri8m Muslim compatriots for the recent violence. «Russian Christians andMuslims traditionally live in peace,» he has reminded them.

Chapter 2. Clash, or conspiracy?

Buteven if Russia's southern war is not yet a «clash of civilisations»,might it soon become one? And if so, would that bring Russia closer to theWest, or push it farther away?

Islamis certainly one element in the crisis looming on Russia's southern rim, but itis by no means the only one. The latest flare-up began in August in the wildborder country between Chechnya — which has been virtually independent sinceRussian troops were forced out, after two years of brutal war, in 1996 — and Dagestan, a ramshackle, multiethnic republic where apro-Russian government has been steadily losing control.

Manypeople in Russia did not need any evidence; the government's allegations simplyconfirmed the anti-Chechen, and generally anti-Caucasian, prejudice theyalready harboured. Other Russians take a more cynical view. They believe thebomb attacks are somehow related to the power struggle raging in Moscow as the«courtiers» of Ex-President Yeltsin try to cling to their power and privilege in theface of looming electoral defeat.

Suchincidents are grist to the mill of Moscow's conspiracy theorists. Some believethat the bombs were indeed the work of Chechen extremists, but insist that thefighting in the south is mainly the result of Russian provocation; some say itis the other way round. Whatever the truth, the crisis has certainly playedinto the hands of the most hardline elements inRussia's leadership. But there are also signs that people from outside Russiahave been stirring the pot.

MarkGaleotti, a British lecturer on Russia's armedforces, says there is evidence that Mr bin Laden, while not the instigator ofthe urban bombing campaign, has offered financial help to its perpetrators. Andfighters under the influence of Mr bin Laden have certainly been active inChechnya and Dagestan — though their presence isprobably not the main reason why war is raging now.

Withor without some mischief-making by dark forces in Moscow, Russia would have aproblem in the northern Caucasus. Hostility between Russians and Chechens goesback to the north Caucasian wars of the i9th century, when the tsar's forcestook more than 50 years to bring the Chechens under control. As well as strongfamily loyal-ries, part of the glue that held the Chechensand other north Caucasian people together was Sufism,the mystical strand of Islam.

TheBolshevik revolution of 1917 promised to liberate all the subject peoples ofthe sariat empire. As civil war loomed, Lenin andStalin made a cynical bid for Muslim support by promising the creation ofsemi-independent Islamic states in Russia and central Asia, saying: «Allyou whose mosques and houses of prayer have been destroyed, whose beliefs andcustoms have been flouted by the tsars and the oppressors of Russia — from nowon your beliefs and customs, your national and cultural institutions are freeand inviolable.»

Thereality of Soviet rule was, of course, very different. Periods of repressionalternated with periods of relative toleration, but prechens(along with seven other ethnic groups) were deported en masse to Kazakhstan as part of Stalin's policy of punishing«untrustworthy» ethnic groups. But Chechen culture, in particular,proved remarkably hard to destroy.

Bythe i98os, there were estimated to be 50m Soviet citizens of Muslim ancestry.For most of them, Soviet rule had had a powerful secularising effect. Out ofcultural habit, many still circumcised their baby boys and buried their deadaccording to Muslim custom. But the closure of all but a handful of mosques,and the virtual end of religious education, meant that knowledge of Islam hadnearly evaporated.

Amongthe few places in the Soviet Union where Islam remained fairly strong was thenorthern Caucasus. The Sufi tradition was well able to survive in semi-clan-destine conditions. Even without mosques, theChechens were able to go on venerating the memory of their local sheikhs andperforming traditional dances and chants.

Chapter 3. Enter the Wahhabis

Sincethe collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Sufi tradition has faced achallenge of a very different type. Emissaries from the Arab world, especiallySaudi Arabia, have flooded into the Caucasus and Central Asia, seeing anopportunity in the spiritual and economic wasteland left by Marxist ideology.

Financedby Saudi petrodollars, these preachers have begun propagating a new form ofIslam, which has become known (through a slight over-simplification) as Wahhabism: in other words, the austere form of Islamdominant in Saudi Arabia. The new version of Islam strives to be as close aspossible to the faith's 1,400-year-old roots. It opposes the secularism ofRussian life. Its universalising message aims to transcend ethnic andlinguistic barriers, and it has no place for the local cults of Sufism.

ManyChechens and Dagestanis find the new form of Islamalien and uncomfortable, and some actively oppose it. It has caused division,and even violence, within families. But by building mosques and es­tablishingscholarships, the Wahhabis have won a follow­ing,especially among the young — often impatient with what they see as a corruptoffi­cial religious establishment left over from Soviet times. Moreover, in theconfusion of post-Soviet Russia, the new creed offers disillusioned and moneyand weapons and a sense of purpose which they cannot find anywhere else.

Adaredevil hijacker and hostage-taker, Mr Basaev tookpart in the Russian-backed war against Georgia in 1992-93, and then foughtruthlessly against Russia in the Chechen war of 1994-96. Trained in the Sovietarmy, he now says his life's mission is to wage holy war against Russia andavenge its crimes against his people. He is not himself a Wahhabi,but he seems to have decided that the new Muslims would make useful recruitsfor his jihad, even though he doesnot share their extreme puritanism.

Mr Basaev was both a Muslim and a Chechen patriot; the twoqualities are inseparable. But despite his bushy beard and talk of holy wars,he does not quite correspond to the image of a single-minded fundamentalist.His heroes, after all, included Garibaldi and AbrahamLincoln.

Educatedin Saudi Arabia, Khattab fought the Russians inAfghanistan before settling in Chechnya. In other words, he is one of the«Afghanis»—the 15,000 or so unteers fromall over the Middle East (particularly Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt and Algeria)who did battle, with strong American support, against the Soviet occupiers ofAfghanistan. Since the war ended, these fighters have returned to theirhomelands, or. moved to other countries, in search of new Islamistcauses to fight.

Itis the existence of the Afghanis (of whom the most notorious is Mr bin Ladenhimself) which helps to explain why Russia regards its own Islamic adversariesas Frankensteinian monsters created by westerngovernments and their friends in Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. The Afghaniconnection also helps to explain why Russia and Iran see eye-to-eye on thequestion of Islamist violence. As well as loathingthe West and all its works, some of the Afghanis — as zealous practitioners ofSunni Islam — are sworn enemies of the Shia Muslimfaith, of which Iran is the main bastion.

Iranhas always been resentful of America's connections with Saudi Arabia andPakistan, even though its own relations with those two countries have beenimproving. Russia sympathises, to put it mildly, with that resentment. America,for its part, is highly suspicious of Russia's friendship with Iran.

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Chapter 4. Geopolicy.

Ifthere is a geopolitical stand-off involving Russia, America and the Islamic world,it is not a simple triangle. If anything, Russia and America have eachidentified different bits of the Islamic world as friends, and each issuspicious of the other's partnerships.

AlthoughRussian diplomacy has been quite adept at manipulating the geopoliticaldivisions within the Muslim world, there is a real possibility that its ownclumsiness and brutality could create a Muslim enemy with­in its borders, aswell as alienating Muslims farther afield. Already, the Kremlin'sheavy-handedness has galvanised the Chechens to mobilise for a new war againstRussia. The neighbouring Ingush people, related tothe Chechens but hitherto willing to accept Russian authority, may now be drawninto the conflict—along with at least four or five other north Caucasianpeoples who have until now been content to let Russia run their affairs.

IfRussia found itself at war with half a dozen Muslim peoples in the Caucasus,the effects would certainly be felt in places farther north, such as Tatarstan.

Butif some sort of common Muslim front ever emerges in Russia, resentment ofMoscow will be the only factor that holds it together. In the Caucasus andelsewhere, Muslims are fragmented; there is not even a united or coherent Wahhabi movement.

Noris there any natural unity between Chechnya and Dagestan.The two also differ over their relations with Russia. The Chechens still feelthe scars of their last war with the Russians, and so the secessionist impulseis much stronger than in Dagestan, which has littlesense of a common national identity and is economically heavily dependent onRussia.

Noris it inevitable that Islamic militancy in the northern Caucasus and in otherparts of the Muslim world will reinforce one another. Rather than being proofthat political Islam is spreading, the fighting in the Caucasus is a reminderthat Islam exists in many different forms. In the heartland of the Muslimworld, the Middle East, the wave of Islamic militancy appears to be receding.In the early i98os, the years immediately after the Iranian revolution, theArab countries and Turkey felt themselves most vulnerable to political Islam.

Thoseexpectations are now subsiding. Egypt, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia — all countriesthat experienced serious Islamic opposition — have survived, bruised butintact. Even Algeria, where Islamism took the mostviolent form and was suppressed with particular harshness, seems to haveentered a more hopeful phase.

Inthe Caucasus and Central Asia, as in former Yugoslavia, the moment ofopportunity for political Islam came a decade or so later, with the collapse ofcommunism, and so the new Islamic movements are younger and still developing.They are a powerful and potentially destabilising force, but they are no moredestined to win power than their equivalents elsewhere.

Thereis, however, a form of «peripheral» Islam which ought to be givingRussian policymakers food for thought: the impressive strength of the Muslimfaith, sometimes accompanied by political radicalism, in western cities thatlie thousands of miles from the heartlands of Islam.From Detroit to Lyons, young Muslims have been rediscovering their beliefs andidentity—often as a reaction against the poverty, racism and (as they would seeit) sterile secularism of the societies around them. This phenomenon owesnothing to geopolitical calculation, or to the policies of any government,either western or Middle Eastern; nor can it be restrained by governmentaction. If radical forms of Islam can flourish in places like Glasgow andFrankfurt, there is no reason why they can­ot do soin Moscow and Murmansk—particularly if the Russiangovernment seems to be fighting a brutal, pointless war at the other end of thecountry.

Chapter 5. Economy.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">There is a way to resolve the conflict, to whichinternational involvement is key. Such international involvement, however, canonly happen with Russia`s consent, though both theE.U. and the U.S. have the means to change the numbers in the Kremlin`s calculations using political, diplomatic andeconomic leverage. Such involvement must help Chechnya to become a trulydemocratic and peaceful state, thereby eliminating whatever threats to Russiansecurity it might pose. Incentives are necessary, and the prospect of a de jure recognition of Chechnya will be a strong incentive forChechnya to undergo decisive democratization and demilitarization. The idea issimple: statehood in return for democracy.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">This idea can be implemented through the UnitedNations Trusteeship system under Chapters XII and XIII of the U.N. Charter. Since this can only be done with theagreement of Russia, and since Russia is a member of the Security Council, shewill have a decisive say in the terms under which Chechnya will be governed forthe period, and in the designation of the administering authority. This couldmake Russia feel more comfortable with the idea, which needs to be aRussian-initiated proposal to succeed.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">The terms of the trusteeship will also have to beacceptable to the Chechen side, since without the Chechen side’s voluntaryconsent no such system can be implemented. The prospect of recognition ofChechnya, together with help in reconstruction and an immediate withdrawal ofRussian troops, are likely to secure Chechnya`sconsent.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">The European Union might be a good choice for the roleof administering authority, since the E.U. is seen in Moscow not as a threat toRussian interests but as an opportunity. The administering authority has to becharged with the speedy and effective implementation of democratizationprocedures at all levels in Chechnya, with the aim of preparing Chechnya toassume the responsibilities of a recognized independent state. Economicreconstruction, demilitarization and the training of civil servants and policewill have to be given priority. The E.U. has acquired much experience in thisfield in the Balkans.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">Chechens, along with the other ethnic groups that havelived in Chechnya since before the first war, should be offered a choicewhether to stay or relocate. Those that desire to relocate to or from Chechnyashould be given the necessary economic and legal support for their transportation and resettlement.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US"> Since virtuallyeveryone in Chechnya owns some kind of weapon, a sophisticated scheme fordemilitarizing the country must be worked out, taking account of localidiosyncrasies. The most effective way to collect weapons would be to offermarket-price compensation. This will succeed if the inflow of weapons fromoutside is prevented, which will require an effective border control.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">The only non-Russian border Chechnya has is withGeorgia. OSCE observers, together with the Georgian border forces, are alreadymonitoring this border. In future, they can and should be joined by Chechenborder guards.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">For the sake of peace, amnesty can be given to all warcrimes and atrocities committed during the last two conflicts. Such amnesty canreduce the Russian military and security services’ fears of prosecution andtherefore increase the chance of peace.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">This scheme has advantages for all parties. Russiawill free itself from the constant problem of Chechnya. The relocation of theChechens who chose to do so would mean that Russia would be freed from itshostile population — a problem that Russia has been trying to solve forcenturies (the 1944 deportation of Chechens is an obvious example). Russiawould also free itself from the burden of the economic reconstruction ofChechnya, as well as stop wasting already limited resources on this unwinnable war. Moreover, acceptable adjustments can bemade to the Russian-Chechen border in the northwest of Chechnya, thereby makingthe idea more attractive to Russia`s public. Inaddition, the E.U. could compensate Russia by increasing economic aid,particularly to southern Russian republics.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">The E.U. will also be a winner. Today it might be a«reluctant empire,» but as it undergoes deepening and expansion it isbound to play a more assertive role externally. Its very presence guaranteesits actorness. While Russia may never become amember, it will become more and more important to the E.U. due to itsproximity. By resolving the Russian-Chechen conflict, the E.U. will benefitfrom the increased chance of a future democratic and stable Russia, theimportance of which can hardly be overestimated. The enormous economicresources that will be required to administer and reconstruct Chechnya may notbe too high a price to pay for the stability of Europe. Moreover, a substantialpart of this expenditure can be covered by using Chechnya`sown natural resources.

<span Times New Roman",«serif»; mso-ansi-language:EN-US">The benefits to Chechnya are self-evident. Itwill  get what it has always strived for — a state of its own. However, even if independence were to  come to Chechnya today, there would not bemuch to  celebrate since the last twowars have had such  tremendous human,economic, and social costs.  Chechnyaalone is not likely to be able to succeed in addressing the huge and difficult post-war  challenges that it would have to face.The  trusteeship system will guaranteereconstruction  and economic aid fromoutside and, by  democratizing Chechnya,will help it to get rid of  those whohave hijacked the Chechen cause for their own goals. In short, Chechnya will benefit  from all angles.

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Asyou can see, both Russia and Chechnya are tired of this unperspectivewar. We need to find some ways to settle this conflict. But we, of course, haveto do it in such a way so that not to violate the interest of our country.

Theproblem is that one country, or even the Union of several of them can’t beatthe system of world terrorism. The only way out is to unite with all othercountries which suffer from terrorism to. The Chechen war is not the Russianinternal bisiness, but the act of world fight againstterrorism, that is why world community should give us a hand in this violentwar. It’s rather pressing, because our own economy isn’t able to stand suchexpenditures to win world terrorism alone.

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<span Arial",«sans-serif»;mso-bidi-font-family:«Times New Roman»;mso-font-kerning: 14.0pt">Glossary

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amnesty– giving freedom for prisoners (for some of them, or for everybody)

armor– synonym for “weapon” (look)

atrocity– violent action

blast– synonym for‘explosion’ (look)

bombing– fighting targetwith bombs from the aircraft

borderforces– military troops, whose aim is to protectstate border

expenditure– outcome, wasting

explosion– the process ofquick burn

hijack– thiefingthe plain by threats of armor and bombs

implementation– realisation

independence  — freedom from will of another state

Islam– the religion ofEastern people, who believe in Magometh.

jihad– holy war againstunfaithful

aMuslimcountry– a country, where Islam is an official religion, or area, where Islam is themost wide-spread

occupier– enemy soldierwhich controls the territory of the captured people

opposition– group of peoplewhich withstandthe official point of view

Orthodox — traditional

peripheral – placedfar from centre, near the border

prosecution– making somebody responsible for something illegal.

puritanism– kind of behavior, when man refuses himselffrom many joys of life

reconstruction– rebuilding and restoring the economy, changing its profiles.

Sufism — one of Islam brunches, a confession

terrorism– kind of banditism, encouraged by Islamic ortodoxes, aimed against Western peoples

trusteeship– kind of protection, looking after somebody.

unfaithful–man, who doesn’t believe in Islam

unity– collectingtogether

Wahhabi– one of Islam brunches, aconfession

benefit– profit, income

weapon– pistols, guns, and other military technique.

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